By Molly Loftus
ABSTRACT
This paper provides an analysis of the functioning and perceptions of marché de Sor in Saint-Louis, Senegal. This qualitative study of marché de Sor utilizes observations and interviews of customers, venders and authorities of the market in order to reach a greater understanding of the functioning, needs and implications of centralmarket in the community. Researchers Awa Cheikh Seck, Muhammed Ba and Molly Loftus conducted informal interviews of subjects at marché de Sor and observed the market at various points in time. In undertaking this study, I attempted to understand the perceptions the community has of marché de Sor and how that information can be applied to the greater research of the project: Re-Profiling Street Food in Senegal, a grassroots effort to engage diverse members of the local community with the common goal of ensuring our food is local, clean and fair.
INTRODUCTION
Marché de Sor is the most influential market in Saint-Louis, Senegal and central
to the commerce, culture and activity in the country’s original capital; however, documentation on this market is nearly non-existent. In a study of marché de Sor in 1998, Abdou Dia stated that the main problems facing marché de Sor were limited space for venders and storage of products, and proper infrastructure to deal with sanitation and traffic. This study seeks to greater understand the functioning and perceptions of marché de Sor in order to 1) produce recent and relevant documents, and, more specifically, to 2) apply this knowledge to the Project Re-profiling Street Food in Africa. The goal of Re-Profiling Street Food in Africa is to connect all members in the community who recognize the concern of biodiversity protection, and processing and consumption of good, clean and fair local products. In order to better understand the functioning and perceptions of marché de Sor, observations and informal interviews of authorities, vendors and patrons of the market were conducted. These interviews, which took place at marché de Sor, were mainly conversational in nature. Three series of questions were conducted, respectively: 1) basic information about the participant, 2) perceptions of marché de Sor, and 3) wishes for the future of food markets in Saint-Louis. The results are mixed based on the subject group. For the customers, the results suggest that the community has an invested interest in increased involvement in the markets and addressing biodiversity protection, and processing and consumptions of products. The vendors, however, did not indicate this interest. Finally, the authority figure of the market stated that he would instill radical changes in the market if possible. These findings will be discussed in greater detail in this paper.
LITERATURE REVIEW
As previously mentioned, minimal documentation (digital and non-digital) on
marché de Sor exists. After searching in the archives at the West African Research Center in Dakar and the documentation centers at the University of Gaston Berger, it was discovered that the only center with documentation related to marche de Sor is at the Center for Research and Documentation in Senegal (CRDS) south of the bridge in the city of Saint-Louis. Even CDRS had limited resources on marché de Sor, or the open food markets in general. The document that will be analyzed in this paper was produced in September 1998 and entitled “Rapport Diagnostic Sur l’Amenagement Urbain de la Ville Orientations Generales Strategies et Programmes d’Actions” by Abdou Dia. The document is written in French, and been translated to English for the purpose of this paper.
According to Dia, the most influential markets in Saint-Louis are not the grocery stores, but the open markets such as marché de sor and Ndar-Toute. Furthermore, he claims that it is impossible to disassociate the open markets from the environment in Saint-Louis nor the “structure particuliere de l’aggomeration”. The informal sector, such as the radio is pertinent to the advertising of the market.
Additionally, the circulation of traffic and public transportation greatly influences the traffic to the markets. Dia finds that “car rapides” are the most used form of transportation for the population (costing between 50-75 francs) to the three markets: marché de Sor, Ndar-Toute, and Langue de Barbarie. Of the passengers, more than 3⁄4 of them get off at marché de Sor3. It is mainly by the avenue General de Gaule. This axis is known for intense traffic created by the proximity to the market and the bonds with the avenue General De Gaulle, the avenue Lamine Gueye and the Faidherbe Bridge. This zone is the only passage point for the “quasi totalitie” of vehicles in Saint- Louis.
Due to its central location, marché de Sor generated significant commercial activity for Saint-Louis. However; this can also be attributed to its decline. The primary problems that Dia identifies in the functioning of marché de Sor are limited space (market and storage) and poorly designed infrastructures.
The poor sanitation in marché de Sor is a problem that Dia explains is vital to address. Systems to drain the rain and used water and evacuate solid waste is nonexistent. In the winter, for example, stagnant water poses a major threat to sanitation. Dia claims that the problem of sanitation in marché de Sor can be largely attributed to the nature of the soil and the precariousness of certain installations to handle waste. If this is not done, he foreshadows, the bloc will rapidly decay6.
Dia provides two solutions for the aforementioned problems of marché de Sor. The first is to reorganize the site so that the traffic circulates the market and the parking areas for public transportation, individuals and merchandizers7. The second is to reorganize and assign the collection of taxes to improve the municipal revenues8. METHODS
My interest in marché de Sor began with unanswered questions within the context of Re-Profiling Street Food in Africa—who are the actors in the existing open food markets in Saint-Louis? What are their stories? How does the market function? Is there a drive from these identities and the customers to transform the market, and, if so, what might those changes entail? If not, why? These are important angles to consider, not only for the purpose of better understanding the city of Saint-Louis, but also for the applicable knowledge to Re-Profiling Street Food in Africa. How could we justify launching a new project devoid of fully understanding the existing system first, especially given the community driven mission of the Street Food Project, I wondered? The idea that the change needs to initiate from the ground up is consistent with the mission of the Street
Food Project, which is to engage a community in Saint-Louis, Senegal to address issues regarding biodiversity and the consumption of food, so as to collaboratively ensure it is local, clean and just. Since minimal information on marché de Sor exists online, or offline, for that matter, starting by observing the market and establishing a rapport was imperative before speaking with the vendors about the research I was conducting. Some were new, and some were there for 25 years, but they all provided me with useful information regarding the functioning of the market and names of important actors to later speak with.
Data collection utilized qualitative research methods, such as informal interviews with the focus groups and observations of the market. These focus groups include the vendors in the market, the consumers of the market and the “responsible” of the market. Tri-level interviews were conducted: yes/no, semi-open and open-ended. The first interview (yes/no), gathered basic information regarding the participant. The second interview (semi-open) presented targeted questions that provided information on the participant and their perception of the market. The third and final interview comprised of open-ended questions that yielded information about the experiences, perceptions, knowledge, opinions and feelings of the history, functioning and role of the market in Saint-Louis. All of the interviews were conducted face-to-face and resembled a conversation rather than a formal interview. The observations were both participant and non-participant, and were recorded through note-taking. Three researchers-Molly Loftus, Awa Cheikh Seck, and Muhammad Ba conducted the observations. The observations took place between 6-8am June 22, 2017. Loftus was stationed at the entrance of marché de Sor near the main road making observations accompanied by Ba who took photo documentation, and Seck was deeper in the market making observations.
RESULTS
Authority: Interview with Boubacar Diop-member of the enterprise committee of marché Sor-June 20, 2017 in the committee office. (Translated from French & Wolof to English). Mr. Diop presented the committee as a group of traders in marché de Sor in all fields. The committee acts as a mediator for any conflict that may arise between traders, but also represents the traders of the administrative, municipal, police and customs authorities. The mandate of the committee is therefore the peaceful management of disputes that may arise in the context of the contract. In this sense the determination of the supplier is a matter of the individual choice of the traders. There may be as many suppliers as there are traders. As a result, it is impossible to say whether the plants available on the market contain pesticides or are grown naturally. He considers that even traders cannot say with certainty if they have natural products. Only the peasants are in a position to make this assertion. With regard to the supply of local products, Mr Diop said that it was primarily the responsibility of the State, specifically that the State decided to open the territory to agricultural imports, for example onion, rice or Sugar, when agricultural production does not cover demand. By cons for vegetables, they are mainly produced locally. The availability of products depends on the season, the development of vegetable crops in Saint-Louis means that the vegetables are abundant during the dry season, resulting in a surplus production, eventually being discarded due to lack of preservation. On the other hand, wintering inaugurates the scarcity of these commodities and thus implies a rise in prices. Returning to the history of the market, he tells us that it was created before independence, the name tënjingeen refers to the well that was on the current market location held jigeen nor become tënjingeen. The market is built on an old cemetery forwhite people, the bones were moved to the new Christian cemetery and the place behind the fruit stands was the Saint Louis Independence Square. Mr. Diop shares his feeling about the current situation of the market, for him the market suffers from a total lack of organization. The management of the market is the responsibility of the municipality, however, the municipal authorities do assume responsibility for the chaos prevailing in the market. Not only is the market not structured according to the products, but also the promiscuity and insecurity are permanent and couldbe fatal in case of fire, which often happens in markets arranged in this way. The growing demographics of the market are therefore not accompanied by an expansion of space allocated to the market. The committee had plans to build a building to house the market with several levels, and had even benefited from a loan possibility of BSIC 400 million, but the city council opposed it. When asked why he was opposed, he told us that this question should be asked of the town hall. He goes on to say that the only thing thatinterested them was politics. The market pays millions every day in municipal taxes, but there is no return in terms of investments. If it were possible, it would radically change the market, it is imperative that the space be modern, with functional and functional toilets, and an organization in compartments according to the products. He concludes with these words "market gumba dangay lambatu ba a g fanga jëm".
Customers: Interview with Soda Mariame Diallow-owner of restaurant Chez Dasso in Saint- Louis, Senegal. July 22, 2017 in Chez Dasso. (Translated from French to English) Soda Mariame Diallow was born in Saint-Louis and has been shopping at marché de Sor for what she describes as “forever.” Before she opened her restaurant in 2016, she shopped at marché de Sor for her family and personal groceries. Ms. Diallow described organic produce as “very important” and claimed to only serve organic food at Chez Dasso. She buys her fish and shrimp at marché de Sor but her vegetables from a farm in Bango (bio produce?). When asked to describe her experience at marché de Sor, Ms. Diallow said it is not only a space to buy produce, but also a place of socialization. She said when she visits marché de Sor she talks to many people and has a relationship with the vendors with whom she buys from. Ms. Diallow said she would change “many things” about marché de Sor. The issues that she identified are as follows: marché de Sor is dirty (you walk through stagnant water), there is waste everywhere, and products are disorganized. While she did not witness any changes overtime, she said the prices fluctuate and are higher during the rainy season. To her knowledge, most restaurants use produce from marché de Sor. Interview with Kantome Fall-previous owner of restaurant La Crêperie in Saint- Louis, Senegal. July 22, 2017 in La Crêperie. (Translated from French to English) Kantome Fall was born in Saint-Louis and has been shopping at marché de Sor for over ten years. She claims to frequent marché de Sor about every two days. When asked if she values products that are organic over non-organic products, she answered simply “yes.” Her reason for shopping at marché de Sor rather than other markets in Saint-Louis is because it has the most competitive pricing. Ms. Fall said that she would like to see the conditions of marché de Sor-namely: sanitation, organization and space- improve. Vendors: Interview with Khadija Diallow-Vendor at marché de Sor-June 23, 2017 at marché de Sor (translated from French to English) Khadija Diallow was born near Saint-Louis and began working as a fruit at marché de Sor in 2009. All of the fruit that she sells come from a farm in Dakar and she claims it is all organic. She claimed to have visited the farm where she met the owner, but could not give the name. Ms. Diallow confirmed that there is a change in the price of produce throughout the year, but did not give further details upon questioning. Ms. Diallow began working at marché de Sor because she claimed she « didn’t have a choice.” She claimed to begin school but was obliged to drop out in order to begin working. Each day, Diallow said she arrives at marché de Sor at 8am and leaves at 7pm. When asked if she has noticed a transformation in marché de Sor overtime, she began to describe a time when there was very little-to-no produce available at the farm in Dakar where she gets her fruit, but quickly asked me not to record the rest of her answer. In Ms. Diallow’s opinion, the most essential quality of a market is the fish. When asked what her vision was for the market, she responded that she would not want to change anything and there is already a space for the community close by (she pointed to the garden just before Faidherbe Bridge).
Interview with Bige Ndiaye-Vendor at marché de Sor-June 23, 2017 at marché de Sor (translated from French to English)
Bige Ndiaye was born in Saint-Louis and began working as a vegetable vendor at marché de Sor when she was 18 years old in 2002. She claims that all of her products are organic and come from her sister’s farm in Dakar. During the rainy season, Ms. Ndiaye said that the products are more expensive than the dry season. When asked if she has noticed changes in the market since she began her work in 2002, Ndiaye simple said “yes, I have seen many changes overtime,” but neglected to provide further details. Ndaiye said that she “would not like to change anything (about marché de Sor). It is good the way it is.”
Observations, Molly Loftus 6-8am 6/22/17) 6 am
The stands remain in their places overnight but are wrapped in tarp, maybe reserved places?
First vendor arrives with her basket full of herbs. She is an elderly woman (I’m guessing around 60/70) and settles herself at the front of the market and sits there as she wraps bundles of herbs.
Talibe are walking around the space toward the back of the market.
Men are loading a truck across the street with many materials
Group of 10 talibe waking toward the island and market 6:25 am
Taxis slowly starting to drop off vendors (only women at this point). It is light out now
Population consists mostly of women vendors setting up stations and talibe wandering around
Little piles of trash dispersed throughout market. Looks like men ages 15-18 are collecting it, but unclear where they are putting it.
Three women arrive together carrying buckets full of produce
Light traffic on the street
Buses are running now 6:35 am
Market is gradually picking up
Light conversation between vendors
Men pick up some piles of trash, vendors are setting up stations
Large white truck with “sophieplex” arrives on the street
A young man (15-18) sets up his station next to the first women with the herbs at the front of the market. He unloads a bag of peppers. A boy about the same age sets up next to him with peppers as well.
About 20 people are in the market
A woman sets up her station of herbs next to the first woman setting up herbs.
Maybe product is divided by section? 6:45 am
Talibe wandering around and playing soccer
7:05 am
Sound level is rising
Taxis having a more difficult time passing through space due to vendors
About 50 people-mix of mostly women, talibe and men (15-18) vendors
A taxi reversed through space and almost ran over pepper station set up by young men. The men moved their stations just in time. No one really reacted, so as to infer that it’s normal.
Vendors are occupying space in back of market. There is an empty space at the front and middle of the market.
Throughout the market, there are large puddles of dirty water and piles of trash are not picked up. Vegetable vendors set up their spaces-mostly carrots, eggplant, onions. 7:15 am
Fish vendors start arriving. The market has about 80 people now. No customers yet.
Collection of fish vendors (elderly women) sorting fish.
Theory about separating spaces organized by produce does not hold. 7:30 am
White van parks in middle of market and unloads vegetables 7:40 am
Calm, still, but slowly trickling in. about 150 people now
First vendor (young man) carrying clothes to sell
Young men in front selling pepper speak Wolof, young men in front of me selling vegetables speak Pular. Maybe stations are determined by where food comes from?
Very few customers are starting to do their shopping
Fish vendors dividing produce and separating their stations-divide and conquer?
Man throws trash into middle of market and away from his shop. A young boy does the same. It appears that no one absolves responsibility for cleanliness of shared space, but there is incentive to clean immediate space.
Observations of marché de Sor : Awa Cheikh, 6/22/17 6am-8am
Arrival of the first traders are mainly vegetable sellers who settle down by setting up their stand covered by empty bags of rice. They prepare the stalls by sweeping just the square of their table and pushing the garbage a little farther from their space, before the porters loaded to bring vegetables, aromatic herbs, and other fresh food products. These porters are mostly young men, who seem to be of Guinean origin. Mainly at this time of day the market is occupied by women and young men, the first being sellers or resellers
counting on the first to transport their goods to their respective places. At the age group they are more of age wall, while the second group is composed of children, adolescents and young men.
The first entrants are mainly those who can be called suppliers, since we have seen
several women buy from them, in particular an aromatic tree, in bissap kuca, and go and sit in front of their own table before Detail the products purchased. Reason why most of the vendors with whom we started the observation were left afterwards to the blows of 7h empty baskets.
We are moving towards the garbage dump in order to take a closer look at the feeding of fish cages. The smell of garbage marks the atmosphere with especially the smell of rotten mangoes that could not be sold. The garbage dumps are full, the garbage is thrown on the ground creating an unhealthy environment, all around this part of the market. After a brief discussion with one of the drivers, we learn that it comes from the neighborhood of Jàmalaay located at Guet Ndar main fishing port of Saint-Louis. The other fishing centers are Goxu Mbac, and Sancaba. There, too, the carriers, mostly young men, took charge of transporting the crates to the stalls, most of which were still empty. Until then small retailers are the main customers.
The market is gradually awakening to the rhythm of horns, voices, baskets and slippery doors. However, the central market place remains closed on all sides. The guards who have the keys, are installed in front of the wooden doors waiting for the opening time, from 7am. They are the responsibility of the works council of market traders.
The talibés are very present in this decoration they help, by means of parts, to the collection of refuse, to carry the buckets or baskets of the customers or to clean the stalls.
At 7:14 we headed towards the street next to the pharmacy, where it seems to us that the young men who hold vegetable stands come to refuel at a wholesaler whose products continue to be unloaded by a truck. On the road, two mini-cars carrying mango baskets, with women's banners from Bango and Sanar, have parked, one of them tells us. They sell the baskets to the small neighborhood sellers and leave home after the product has passed. As they settle down on the street floor, a large truck parked in the middle ofthe street, forcing the vendors to stick to the walls of the shops. Immediately traffic becomes impossible, porters can no longer pass and customers who begin to invade the market obliged to rub themselves together and bring the mango suppliers to rise, lifting their basket in order to create a passage. An agent of the town hall adds to the scenery, to recover the municipal tax. For the moment they are satisfied to tell him that they have just arrived and that they have not sold anything yet The doors of the market center overlooking the street .... Are open but the meat sellers have not yet arrived. The period of Ramadan no doubt explains the shy awakening of the market Sor.The sellers of vegetables are gradually joined by the shopkeepers, towards the blows of 7:39, the market begins the customers arrive, the talibés offer tirelessly to the latter to carry their basket, fish sellers are installed, behind them the fish cleaners Their equipment for the removal of scales, and the best-equipped machines for chopping fish. We leave the market in a rhythmic atmosphere with the arrival of the sellers of clothes and accessories in view of the feast of Korité, whose activities are accompanied by musical animation even in the fasting period.
DISCUSSION
Marché de Sor in Saint-Louis, Senegal suffers from limited space and infrastructure to properly handle sanitation. For these reasons, it was hypothesized that the issues listed above would be identified by participants in this study and there would be a desire to improve the conditions of the market. The responses from subjects were mixed based on social group. The customers that were interviewed mirrored the concerns of Abdou Dia, in that there is a need to ameliorate the sanitation, organization and space of marché de Sor. The customers that were interviewed are current and previous restaurant owners in the city of Saint-Louis. The vendors did not share the same sentiments as the customers in this study. When asked if they would change anything about the market, they responded negatively. When proposed ideas such as more space or improved organization, they responded that was not necessary. This could be attributed to the agency of the vendors to consider their impact or create their own change. Rather than instigating change, it may be that they rely on policy or programs to assume responsibility for reform. Their low perceived influence on change in Saint-Louis can be attributed to many historical, philosophical, and political factors that are beyond the scope of this paper. The authority indicated a strong interest in radically reforming marché de Sor. Diop stated that it is imperative that the space is equipped with functional toilets and organization in compartments according to products. Additionally, he mentioned arecent project to construct a multilevel building that would increase space and organization; however, for reasons he was unable to explain, the project was terminated. The main theme shared between the three focus groups: customers, vendors and authority of marché de Sor could indicate a larger issue related to confidence in the political competency or agency in Saint-Louis. Consequently, the responsibility of delivering the demand for either the improvements of marché de Sor or developing a space which fulfils the wants and needs of the community may be assumed by non- governmental organizations or researchers at the University of Gaston Berger, such as those involved in the Project Re-profiling Street Food in Africa. This is important not only for the well-being of Saint-Louis, but also for connecting all members of the community to facilitate empowerment and the belief that we can all be agents of positive change. Re-profiling Street-Food in Africa aims to address the aforementioned issues by: organizing periodical meetings in the community for a diverse set of individuals to exchange ideas, skills, and experiences with the same goal for reinventing food as local, clean and fair; helping and accompanying the development of gardens and public spaces with the local authorities to make Saint-Louis an example of local and quality production; creating a monthly, bi-monthly and eventually weekly farmers market to serve as a space for discussions, workshops and trainings; making Saint-Louis a model sustainable city on a national and international scale.
References Ba, M. (2017, June 22). Marche de Sor. Dia, A. (1998). Rapport Diagnostique Sur l"Amenagement Urbaine de la Ville Orientations Generales Strategies et Programmes d"Actions. Saint-Louis, Senegal: l'Universitie Gaston Berger. Diallow, K. (2017, June 23). (M. Loftus, Interviewer) Diallow, S. M. (2017, July 22). (M. Loftus, Interviewer) Diop, B. (2017, June 20). (M. L. Cheikh, Interviewer) Fall, K. (2017, July 22). (M. Loftus, Interviewer) Ndiaye, B. (2017, June 23). (M. Loftus, Interviewer)